Global Climate Change (CC) resulting from an increasing concentration of Greenhouse Gases (GHGs) in the atmosphere has become an accepted and major theme in today‘s world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the average temperature of the earth increased by 0.6 ° C over the last century and it is expected to further increase by 1.4 to 5.8 º C by the end of the current century. These changes in temperature are but the crest of the many environmental, social and political issues which will follow in the wake of the changing climate. Unfortunately the major causes of a rapidly warming climate can be attributed to anthropogenic activities such as the burning of fuel, the depletion of forests and changes in land use (conversion of forest into agriculture land).
The effects of climate change and industrial pollution are joining to thicken the toxic blanket over South Asia as well as disperse pollution globally, maybe even affecting the monsoon
Pakistan’s draft National Water Policy looks to a future dominated by the impacts of climate change, advocates water pricing and highlights regional cooperation challenges
Contract farming is one solution to overcome market related transaction costs. When transaction costs are small or absent, market transactions are usually efficient and improve aggregate welfare. However, when transaction costs are high, or markets fail owing to reasons like asymmetric information, a number of voluntary but non-spot transactions are often carried out between economic agents. There are many ways that markets fail in Indian agriculture. Imperfect credit markets, lump sum transportation costs for small amounts of produce, imperfect information about market prices, lack of technological knowledge, inability of small and marginal farmers to absorb the risks of loss, etc. are only a few of them. In this paper we look at specific cases to see how some of these problems have been solved through agreements among farmers and between farmers and integrators.
During the past couple of decades the integration of poor countries in global agricultural markets accelerated with increased food exports originating from developing countries. At the same time, there have been important structural changes in global agrifood markets. The structure of world food trade, and especially of developing countries’ exports, has changed dramatically with traditional tropical export products (such as coffee, cocoa, and tea) loosing importance and non-traditional high-value commodities (such as horticulture and seafood products) gaining importance. In addition, food trade is increasingly consolidated with large multinational food companies (such as retail chains and processing companies) increasingly dominating global agri-food chains. Moreover, food standards (including for example food quality and safety standards) have been increasing very sharply and global agri-food trade is increasingly regulated through public as well as private standards.
The objective of this report is to demonstrate the ex tent of link ages be between farm and nonfarm sectors and between non tradable and tradable goods sectors inSub- Saharan Africa and to illustrate how these link ages can shape and accelerate rural economic growth. The farm sector is de fined here to include all unprocessed agricultural goods, such as raw crops and live stock. Eve ry thing else, including processed farm items, is counted in the nonfarm sector. The term “non tradable” is used for goodsthat at prevailing relative prices are rarely, if ever, traded across the borders of the chosen zone of analysis. Nontradables also must not have close tradable substitutes thatare available locally. This implies that the domestic price of the non traded good is not likely to be well correlated with the domestic price of any tradable good that could play the same role in the con sump ion basket. By convention, services are always nontradables, since the service is completely per formed locally, and it can neither be imported nor ex ported. Perish able foods are often non tradable because of the risk of loss in transit. Tradables, on the other hand, can in the oryal ways be imported or exported data constant price de termined by a reference market outside the region in question.
Agriculture is the jugular vein of the economy of Pakistan. It has experienced robust economic growth since the dawn of Green Revolution. Generally periods of flourishing agriculture have been associated with prompt overall economic performance and visa-versa (World Bank, 1992). The average annual economic growth rate of about 4% during the last few decades has been above the mean population growth rate (GOP, 2002). Agriculture growth has made significant contribution to the overall economic growth during this period. The sustainable rate of growth in agriculture sector owes a great extent to technological progress along with public investment in irrigation, agriculture research and extension. Some statistics reveal that the real benefit of such a growth could not be translated to the poor particularly in 1990s. The failure of agriculture growth in trickling down the poor is generally visualized in the background of income inequality during the same growth period.
In recent times there has been a renewed interest in relationships between redistribution, growth and welfare. Land reforms have been central to strategies to improve the asset base of the poor in developing countries thought their effectiveness has been hindered by political constraints on implementation. In this paper we use panel data on the sixteen main Indian states from 1958 to 1992 to consider whether the large volume of land reforms as have been legislated have had an appreciable impact on growth and poverty. The evidence presented suggests that land reforms do appear to be associated with poverty reduction.
No single set of policy initiatives by this government could be as significant as land and agrarian reforms for providing sustainable livelihoods to the poor majority in the agriculture sector, and by linkage, to those in the rest of the country. This argument rests on several planks in Pakistan’s unique institutional and socio-economic context. This policy brief reviews the vantage points from which the case for land reform can be advocated. However, prior to that, we establish that landholdings are indeed highly concentrated and that large landlords continue to wield tremendous political and economic influence due to land ownership.